Many years ago, I periodically visited HMP Grendon Underwood, both a prison and a therapeutic community in the UK, whose governor I knew. In conversations with prisoners, I noticed that they consistently distinguished between “here”—Grendon—and “there”—the System, meaning every other prison, of which they had extensive experience. Grendon was an “oasis”; the System, a “desert”. As Alison Liebling observes in this remarkable book, prisoners can be excellent judges of which environments foster human flourishing and which are merely survivable—or worse.
The challenge is to develop meaningful, compelling, and measurable descriptions that allow prisons to be compared and more sustaining environments to be identified and nurtured. This has been the focus of Liebling’s evolving body of research over more than thirty years, characterised by a willingness to draw on a wide range of disciplines and approaches within humane inquiry.
At the centre of her work is the idea that prisons are moral environments that shape human possibilities and can be assessed sensitively through qualitative and quantitative methods. We are moral beings formed through relationships. Some qualities in those relationships help us develop meaningful, compassionate—if necessarily messy—selves capable of growth. Others impede that growth, diminishing the possibility of finding a self in which we can feel at ease and, at worst, making life unsurvivable.
The book explores, with sensitivity and increasing depth, what these contrasting environments look like. In some, people’s humanity is recognised, respect is offered, and agency cultivated. The core experience, in Martin Buber’s terms, is that of being addressed as a “Thou”: a human subject in all one’s complexity. Elsewhere, one becomes an “It”—an object, disrespected and reduced, one’s potential unrecognised or misunderstood.
At the heart of this distinction are two closely related conditions: the quality of attention and the scope for agency. Attention is not merely interpersonal kindness, though it includes that; it can be an institution-wide discipline. When it is open, curious, vigilant, and willing to be corrected, judgements are more likely to fit the person and the circumstances. When it is perfunctory or closed, institutional categories harden into misrecognition. Transparency matters because even provisional judgements acquire coercive force when translated into decisions. Agency, meanwhile, requires more than nominal choice. Prisoners need intelligible pathways through sentencing and security categorisation, and credible evidence that sustained efforts towards personal change will be noticed, validated, and supported. Otherwise, exhortations to take responsibility ring hollow: people are asked to change within a system that gives them little reason to believe change will affect how they are seen or treated. Recognising change, moreover, depends less on any specific programme or process than on a humanising culture.
Creating such an environment requires balancing key values while recognising the tensions between them. Here Aristotle’s insight matters: virtue often lies in finding an appropriate mean between competing goods. Trust, offered vigilantly, can be transformative; misplaced trust can be disastrous. Anger may be a legitimate response to injustice and a source of motivation for change and redress, but when misdirected or intensified it can lead to violence—or, when internalised, to paralysing depression. Power is inescapable, not something to be wished away in a utopian cloud. Exercising it judiciously requires skills that must be continually negotiated throughout the prison.
These and many other dimensions are illuminated through detailed examples of a named I–It prison and an I–Thou prison, alongside the voices of prisoners and staff. Liebling deepens these accounts through philosophically and literarily informed reflection. The book offers a model of how to move from lived experience to reflection and back again, inviting prisoners and staff to test whether those reflections fit their experience.
Working in an organisation that often invokes “human dignity”, I was struck by the prisoners’ preference for the more concrete language of respect and shared humanity; dignity felt too abstract and remote. One of the book’s great strengths is that, although it focuses on prisons, its frameworks and insights apply readily elsewhere. It led me to consider how organisations cultivate sustaining moral climates—and how seemingly minor practices can erode them. Consider a customer service line that claims to be experiencing an “exceptionally high volume of calls” when the real problem is understaffing. The implicit message is that the organisation does not value me as a customer, let alone as a person. Such thinly veiled dishonesty corrodes the moral climates we share. As Blake wrote, “the good is done in minute particulars”: sustaining moral cultures are built, or undone, through everyday practice.
If we can identify prisons that are morally sustaining and deliver better personal and social outcomes—including fewer suicides and lower reoffending—and if we understand the characteristics that could, with difficulty, be replicated to create more “good-enough” prisons with their own oases, why has the overall picture deteriorated since 2014, particularly in the UK, Liebling’s principal field of research?
Because the wider moral climate has deteriorated. A growing appetite for harsher and longer punishment, reinforced by austerity, has elevated risk management while stripping away the relationships, skills, and resources on which humane institutions depend. Prisons that once approached being good enough have declined; deserts have expanded; imaginative, high-quality staff have left. The central failure, then, is not one of knowledge. Liebling’s evidence shows what can work, why it works, and how its effects can be recognised. The failure is political and moral: evidence influences policy only when it accords with the values policymakers are prepared to uphold. Without that commitment, a virtuous circle can become vicious even while the evidence remains unchanged.
Where, then, is hope to be found?
Not in misplaced optimism, but in the demanding practical knowledge this book preserves. Liebling demonstrates that good-enough prisons are possible; that prisoners and staff can recognise them; and that their defining qualities—attention, respect, agency, proportionate authority, and vigilant trust—can be cultivated and measured. Degrading prisons are not inevitable. They result from choices, and different choices remain available. Aristotle’s Prison therefore offers more than a compelling account of life in tragic places. It challenges institutions—and the societies that sustain them—to decide whether they will enlarge the desert or tend the oasis.

Brilliant succinct and valuable review of an extraordinary, important, deep, and timely book that reflects through the prism of prisons the state oh humanity at large.
ReplyDeleteThanks very much!
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